AA Edit | Hard line, freebies aided NDA in Maha; JMM too
“There is no royal road to geometry,” Greek mathematician Euclid famously quipped, in reply to a royal question as to whether there are better ways of understanding his treatise on mathematics. There are no better ways to winning elections either other than proper planning and hard work, if one were to go by the election results in Maharashtra and Jharkhand.
If one were to identify a pattern in the electoral victories of the Mahayuti and INDIA in Maharashtra and Jharkhand, respectively, then it will be a campaign rhetoric that appeals to the mass base of the party and the offer of costly freebies that can sway the undecided voter, especially the women.
It’s a clean sweep the BJP made in Maharashtra where it is close to winning a majority on its own after having played second fiddle to the now emaciated Shiv Sena for a long time. The party built itself brick by brick, made and broke alliances and set up its own political equations. Every step resulted in an incremental accretion to its mass base which has now put the party in pole position. An aggressively communal and patently divisive campaign, spearheaded by none other than Prime Minister Narendra Modi and ably supported by Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath ensured that the grassroots cadre and even sympathisers got the message clear.
Credit must also go to chief minister Eknath Shinde who, despite an electoral reversal hardly six months ago and with a point to prove against the might of the Thackeray legacy, soldiered on calmly. He introduced development schemes which created a positive vibe about the government and incentive schemes that floored women voters. Together, they got the alliance to coast to victory. The RSS which chipped in with its organisational network and operational excellence was also part of the larger gameplan.
The arrest and harassment of JMM leader and chief minister Hemant Soren by the Enforcement Directorate curiously came handy for him and the party. It added to its appeal in the predominantly tribal state of Jharkhand. The efforts, spearheaded by Union home minister Amit Shah, to drive a wedge in the tribal community with the narrative that the JMM and Mr Soren were allowing “infiltrators” from Bangladesh into the state made little impact. The BJP played its blatant communal card in Jharkhand, too, but the people, by and large, ignored it. It may even have angered them, helping the JMM consolidate its hold over the state’s indigenous population.
The freebies, especially targeting women, that Mr Soren offered also played a role in helping him storm back to power. The monthly allowance scheme and its proposed hike, along with other financial aid, could be a burden on the state exchequer in the future but has worked electorally for the ruling party.
Voters’ preference for a collation with a solid leadership also appears to have played a role in both the states. Though Mr Shinde was seen as a shaky leader in the beginning, he consolidated his position slowly, though there is no clarity on his return as chief minister. Moreover, the leadership of Mr Modi continues to answer many a question on this count. It was the same case in Jharkhand where Mr Soren was seen as the only choice.
Indian politics is a 24-by-7 business and only those with stamina and endurance can hope to win this race.