Access to the powers that be, is journalistic virtue. Uday Mahurkar has followed Narendra Modi closely, since 1986, when Mr Modi joined the BJP from the RSS. He is also credited with predicting all of Mr Modi’s electoral victories, since his first, in 2001, when he became chief minister of Gujarat — a task made somewhat easier, by the fact that Mr Modi has not lost any elections since.
This book is about Mr Modi and the inclusive transformation he has wrought in governing India. But it is not a “fly on the wall” account of an insider. Nor is it, just about numbers or facts, of which there are many. Data is supported in a lively manner with diverse opinions. The respondents range from Klaus Schwab of the World Economic Forum, who writes a foreword; Aroon Purie of “India Today”, business leaders, government officials and beneficiaries of Mr Modi’s public welfare schemes. The respondents are invariably complimentary. Mr Mahurkar is careful to span the caste, regional and religious spectrum, whilst reflecting opinions. We don’t know if he randomised the interviews. But it is a welcome change, in these troubled times, that using an inclusive lens to assess governance outcomes is important.
So, what makes Mr Modi tick? Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore inspired Mr Modi to dream big and plan meticulously. Chhatrapati Shivaji is Mr Modi’s inspiration for homegrown statesmanship and safeguarding India’s security. Sayaji Rao Gaekwad, the erstwhile ruler of the princely state of Baroda, which spanned Mr Modi’s hometown of Vadnagar, was the first to implement compulsory universal education in 1905. He is Mr Modi’s exemplar for social inclusive. China’s state-managed capitalism on a never-before scale, is Mr Modi’s model for economic development, particularly, its muscular global influence. These role models explain the curious combination of Mr Modi’s vision for India – rich, meritocratically inclusive, physically and digitally connected and militarily dominant - an economic and technological powerhouse and yet, Nehruvian, in its ability to lead global change for a better future.
Mr Modi’s achievements are highlighted by contrasting them with the record of previous governments. Not surprisingly, Mr Modi’s centrally driven government, is assessed as trumping the dispersed, laid back UPA, under Dr Manmohan Singh, backstopped by Sonia Gandhi. More interesting, is the comparatively ambivalent assessment of the previous NDA government, led by the endearing poet-statesman: Atal Behari Vajpayee. A surprise is the relatively warm recounting of India’s early achievements, under Jawaharlal Nehru. Indira Gandhi, expectedly, is vilified as the starting point for a pervasive corruption and nepotism. Mr Modi’s governance style is described as an absolute albeit benevolent ruler.
So, who are the key luminaries in the Modi government and how does one read the “tea leaves” of their political future? Three Ministers – all men - stand out. Nitin Gadkari, who, A.M. Naik of L&T credited with having “renewed the confidence of investors in the roads sector”, to whom Ratan Tata is quoted as saying “you are a better businessman than me”. Piyush Goyal – “24X7 minister” who has made energy surplus, rolled out energy efficiency bulbs innovatively, accelerated renewable energy and enhanced coal production. Suresh Prabhu, the minister in a hurry, who has energised railway reform. Others, like Ravi Shanker Prasad, get lukewarm reviews. Sushma Swaraj is a mother to Indians in trouble overseas. Arun Jaitley is image-conscious and hasn’t pushed taxation and banking reform fast enough. Nirmal Sitharaman is a hard worker but the manufacturing sector and exports lag. Dharmedra Pradhan, minister for petroleum is a “fast learner”. J.P. Nadda is praised for capping the prices of medicines and stents. Rajiv Pratap Rudy, minister for skills development and Mahesh Sharma, minister for tourism and culture have failed to perform. Rajnath Singh, as president, apparently lost sight of BJP’s “Vision 2015”, produced under Mr Gadkari, which Mr Modi has revived.
And who are Mr Modi’s trusted officials? A few low-profile, mid-level aides accompanied him to Delhi. In the Prime Minister’s Office, P.K. Mishra, an ex- principal secretary of Gujarat is Mr Modi’s lynchpin for cleaning up the bureaucracy. Nripendra Mishra, a senior, retired IAS officer from Mr Modi’s adopted state – Uttar Pradesh, is his principal aide for domestic civilian affairs. Ajit Doval, a retired intelligence and security professional, is Mr Modi’s national security advisor and the primary agent to isolate Pakistan internationally, stand up to China and manage the violence in Kashmir, the Maoist tribal areas and in the North East. S.Jaishanker, foreign secretary, specialises in “cutting edge diplomacy” and shares Mr Modi’s global vision. In the Finance Ministry, an IAS officer, Hasmukh Adhia, is the trusted go-to person, supporting finance minister Mr Jaitley, to roll out the transformational Goods and Services Tax. In the NITI Ayog - which pushes key domestic initiatives identified by the Prime Minister, Amitabh Kant, a retired IAS officer, is known for his reformist zeal, is the prime mover.
Mr Mahurkar recognises that, too much depends on Mr Modi, personally. A deeper bench of trusted, professionals could widen and deepen performance. To his credit, Mr Modi has shattered the perverse nexus between ministers and their officials, which was pervasive earlier. Officers, whom Mr Modi never knew, have been inducted into the PMO on merit- much to their surprise and delight. More officers from the central services, are becoming joint secretaries, leveling the field somewhat, versus their bete noire, the clannish, elite IAS.
The biggest gains have been operational – getting the creaky, colonial style government to perform. Mr Modi leads from the front and expects his ministers and officials to be high achievers. Rapid adoption of digital technology – a passion with Mr Modi – allows centralised monitoring and control. Mr Mahurkar feels that Mr Modi has a secret long-term plan for sustainable transformation, which he unveils, one step at a time. But he also acknowledges, that Mr Modi has yet to fill Nehru’s shoes in developing institutions. His legacy will lie in infusing institutions, with his energy and his skills for working ceaselessly in public interest. That is how he can best clone millions of “Modis”, all sparking simultaneously.
The writer is adviser, Observer Research Foundation
